Should Nigeria Establish A State Police?
Nigeria’s security crisis is undeniable and urgent. Banditry in the Northwest, insurgency in the Northeast, kidnapping economies, farmer-herder clashes, separatist violence in the Southeast, and oil-related crimes in the Niger Delta have overwhelmed the centralized Nigeria Police Force. With roughly 370,000 officers for over 230 million people (far below global benchmarks of around 300+ per 100,000), the force is stretched thin. Officers are often deployed far from home communities, which hinders local intelligence, cultural familiarity, and rapid response. Public trust is low, as reflected in poor legitimacy scores on indices like the World Internal Security and Police Index.
Recent momentum is significant: President Bola Tinubu has sent a constitutional amendment bill to the Senate that builds on cross-party and gubernatorial support. If passed by two-thirds of lawmakers and state assemblies, states could establish their own forces alongside the federal NPF, potentially by late 2026, with phased implementation and federal oversight.
Arguments in Favor
Proponents rightly highlight that a unitary-style police command in a vast, diverse federation is mismatched to realities. Local forces could improve intelligence gathering, faster response times, and tailored strategies for region-specific threats. Governors, as chief security officers, currently lack operational control, which creates accountability gaps despite bearing political blame for failures. This aligns with true federalism. Many federal countries devolve policing: US states and localities have their own forces; Canadian provinces maintain provincial police (with RCMP contracts for some); Indian states have their own police forces under state governments (with central paramilitary support for major threats); Germany’s Länder handle most policing. These systems demonstrate that decentralisation can enhance responsiveness without inevitable national collapse, provided coordination mechanisms exist for cross-border crimes. Nigeria has already seen experiments like Amotekun in the Southwest, which supplements federal efforts with local knowledge. Centralised funding has risen, but outcomes lag, which suggests structure matters as much as resources. Historical precedent exists too: Pre-1966 regional and native authority police forces operated, though they were later centralised partly due to abuses and political crises.
Arguments Against
Critics are not alarmist. During the First Republic, regional police were allegedly weaponised for political suppression, electoral manipulation, and opposition harassment- fears echoed today in warnings of “governors’ police.” Nigeria’s political culture often features winner-takes-all dynamics, weak institutions, and executive dominance. Without checks, state forces could harass opponents, rig elections via SIEC-like patterns, or exacerbate ethnic/religious tensions. Also, many states lack fiscal capacity for sustainable forces. Poorer states might create under-resourced or patronage-driven outfits, while coordination failures could worsen inter-state crimes. Centralisation historically aimed at national cohesion; fragmentation risks parallel commands, loyalty conflicts, or vigilante proliferation. The NPF’s own issues (corruption, poor welfare, impunity) won’t magically vanish at state level. Past reform panels (e.g., post-EndSARS) emphasised community policing, accountability, and professionalisation, but implementation has been weak.
The Way Forward
The country cannot afford the status quo. The centralised model has failed to deliver security amid evolving, localised threats. Decentralisation, done right, offers a chance to bring policing closer to the people it serves and align with federal principles practiced successfully elsewhere. Yet history warns against naivety. Without strong institutions, transparency, and parallel governance reforms, state police could amplify existing pathologies rather than resolve them. Implementation must prioritise professionalism over patronage, coordination over rivalry, and citizen trust over political control.
This is a pivotal test for Nigeria’s democracy. If lawmakers craft a framework with genuine safeguards and integrate it into wider restructuring, it could mark progress toward a more secure, responsive federation. Half-measures or politicised rollout would confirm critics’ fears. The stakes are too high for anything less than rigorous, evidence-based design. Nigerians deserve policing that protects, not one that perpetuates fear or division. As argued by figures like Oby Ezekwesili, state police alone treats a symptom. Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution over-centralises power across many sectors. True restructuring is essential for subnational initiative and accountability.
In a nutshell, Yes, Nigeria should establish a state police, but only with robust safeguards, as part of deeper restructuring, or it risks becoming another layer of dysfunction rather than a solution.
Chigozie Nnuriam is a freelance writer based in Lagos State.