I dropped out of school to fight in Agbekoya war —Prof Toyin Falola

Interview originally published by Nigerian Tribune Newspaper (November 4, 2023 – Pages 16&17) : https://tribuneonlineng.com/i-dropped-out-of-school-to-fight-in-agbekoya-war-prof-toyin-falola/

Professor Toyin Falola is the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities and University Distinguished Teaching Professor at the University of Texas at Austin. He is the author of numerous books and essays. He is the Series Editor of Rochester Studies in African History and the Diaspora, Series Editor of the Culture and Customs of Africa by Greenwood Press, Series Editor of Classic Authors and Texts on Africa by Africa World Press, Series Editor of Carolina Studies on Africa and the Black World, Series Editor of African History and Modernity by Palgrave-Macmillan, and Series Editor of African Identities by Cambridge University Press. He has received over 17 honorary doctorates from various universities across the globe. An annual conference has been named after him: TOFAC (Toyin Falola Annual Conference on Africa and the African Diaspora). The Association of Third World Studies has named its annual best book after him as the Toyin Falola Prize for the best book on Africa. In this interview by Lasisi Olagunju, he speaks about his journey, scholarship, country and continent of his birth, his hopes and fears.

Congratulations on your latest D. Litt. awards from the University of Abuja and Mkar University, sir, you must have lost count of such awards from across the world. To what would you say you owe these awards?

The denominator of anything a person achieves is the passion and wherewithal that drive them into intentions, and finally into actions. Without the desire which encompasses our being, we never would accomplish the greatest of things that sit at the echelon of life, awaiting the most determined and most resilient. For me, it has been a passion for the academic, particularly the study of African history, which is evident in the number of works that my name has been accredited to. The denigrating and diminutive view of the African continent by the Western world has affected the way Africans perceive themselves within their society and the frames of the world, creating an imposter syndrome and a colossal loss of identity. I have focused on the decolonisation of African history and studies navigating through various means and media; more often than not, I have realised that the more we understand our identity and can comprehend the magnitude of eminence that is bound within the African society, only then can we really start to talk about transformational development. The people are the ones who would be the groundwork of development; therefore, we cannot develop individuals who are alien to their societies. Wherever we are situated along the continent of Africa, we must be akin to our environment, which is a corollary effect of the understanding of the African identity and culture. This is the point where my passion met necessity, the acute and immediate need to begin to inform the identity of the African people by a retrospect into the tapestry of its historical invaluability. There really was nothing in my past or any antecedent which stood to veto or could mirror the myriad of success that has accompanied my works; I just set out to follow a goal, and the great extent to which I made efforts presented me with these opportunities and accolades.

Growing up in Ibadan, we learnt that, you, at a point, joined the Agbekoya insurrection as a fighter, that you even dropped out of school to join the war. Why did you do that?

The Agbekoya uprising, which I was a part of, emerged as a result of the deprivation, excessive taxation, and brutalities endured by cocoa farmers in the Western Region of Nigeria, culminating in a tumultuous rebellion against the postcolonial administration. My involvement was mostly influenced by my grandfather, who was a priest and worked closely with the rebel farmers; he even played a key part in the movement. From quite a young age, I witnessed my grandfather, whom we fondly called ‘Pasitor’, readily involved in the Agbekoya movement, and this spurred me; I even went on little intelligence gatherings for him as I could not partake in the armed movement for I was only an adolescent at the time, all these set the groundwork for my involvement in the Agbekoya’s revolt. As low as my educational qualification was, I was the star, actually a superstar, sometimes called ‘akowe’ (the lettered one). It was Pasitor and my ‘akowe’ credentials that fully inserted me into the movement, as well as my deep commitment. It would interest you to know that the Agbekoya movement was a socially-organised, disciplined peasant movement aiming for social justice; this narrative is against proliferated narratives sponsored by government officials’ portrayal of the movement as an insurgent. I have so many memories of my involvement with the movement; one that is so profound was the event that took place in November 1968. I found a Dane gun on the floor during one of the movements; as you know,‘Pasitor’ never allowed young ones like us to use guns; out of curiosity, I took the gun and aimed at a tree. At the sound of the gun, commotion raided the troop of Agbekoya’s and the leader, who we referred to as ‘No worries’, caught me with the gun and had me beaten up and tied up. I was sent back to the headquarters, an exemplar of the reason why boys our age were restricted from using weaponry; this led to me being banned from the armed troops. Being sent back from the guerrilla, however, did not prevent me from taking part in the Agbekoya; rather, it opened new possibilities for me by radically changing my role.

I had become what I would refer to as a “rearguard” intellectual, as my banishment from the arms group meant I played a tactical role in the intelligence work of the organisation, but more importantly, it also endowed me with the task of transmitting its memory into writing, assuming the role of chronicler of the struggle. My grandfather ‘Pasitor’ died at the raiding of the police in Akufo village, and I did not even have the time to mourn his demise as I had to flee the village so as not to be caught in the crossfire, however, on returning to the village, I was too shattered emotionally to even partake in the burial rites. The series of events that led to the Agbekoya rebellion influenced my decision to drop out of high school to join the fight. It was an emotional connection for me, and it was a struggle that my people were involved in against corruption and misgovernance.

Who is the person with the greatest influence on your life?

I would definitely say my grandfather, God rest his soul. He taught me all my values, social activism, work ethic and, above all, the incapacity for anger. Seeing him partake in the Agbekoya movement to fight for his fellow kinsmen changed my perspective on my cultural identity; I have gleaned so much from the life choices he made, and they have directed my passion. In the end, we have taken the same path but with different vehicles; he struggled to fight for the rights of the peasant farmers and readily engage people in the cultural processes, which he did by fighting with the Agbekoya and general participation in the decision-making of the movement. I also fought in the insurrection; however, I went on to use education and pedagogy, a more sophisticated and eminent vehicle, to increase the cultural identity of the Yoruba people and Africa at large. He set the groundwork, and I took the values he taught me to a global level; we become an optimised version of the possibilities we see before us. My grandfather also taught me to be calm when insulted or piqued with negative words, as I hardly respond to negative criticism and insults. Other individuals have greatly influenced my life, but my grandfather has the greatest influence on me.

You seemed indifferent to the election of President Bola Tinubu but suddenly became his critic shortly after he was sworn in. What caused that change in the love you had for him?

We readily want to acquaint silence with acquiescence and acceptance; in this case, my silence or indifference never implied that I had any affinity with His Excellency Bola Tinubu. Prior to the election, I wrote a lot of media pieces to inform the Nigerian populace on the election and voting issues that are eminent in the Nigeria polity and the very need to bring in a leader who would promote the next stages of transformation for the masses, particularly those who have lost faith in the Nigerian process. The lacuna between the democratic leadership and the masses is depleting by every election, owing to the loss of confidence in the ability of the government to function and achieve the social directives that are enshrined in the constitution; it is even more frustrating given that this is a country that possesses the necessary wherewithal. I never canvassed for any person prior to the election; my personal preferences are quite personal, and my duty to the Nigerian public was to make sure that they were made quite aware of the decisions that should follow for a better country. I undertake that if it were another person other than His Excellency Tinubu in Aso Rock, my criticism would still be the same notwithstanding; anyone who holds a public office is subject to public opinion. My concern is for the ‘common person’; the situation in the country has worsened, some Nigerians are being buffeted by poverty, entrepreneurs are losing businesses, and enterprises are laying off staff. I never expected that he would perform magic; of course, there was no poster of his excellency wielding a magic wand or possessing the fictional genie bottle, wherewith with three wishes or the snap of his fingers, he would have been able to alleviate the suffering therein the country. I expected that, at least, the status quo would have been maintained while the government navigated different means for the improvisation of the general health of the country. My criticism has come on the back of the outburst of frustration by the masses, a side which I would continue to take provided the government sluggers in its duties.

There is an ongoing debate in the media on whether or not public opinion should have a place in the administration of justice. Where would historians stand in such a debate?

As historians, we are well abreast of all the necessary information regarding the antecedent of the people; we have studied a lot of causes and effects, dispensations, political and economic eras, and what have you. The historian holds facts and notices trends in history; he understands the very best practices that should suit a particular people, given his extensive studies into the history thereof. The pure meaning of democracy, as made popular by Abraham Lincoln, suggests that it is for the masses, and as such, the opinion of the masses are very well essential for the decision-making process, whether it be legal. The consent of the people vetoes the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, although jurisprudence may argue otherwise, then public opinion must be infused. After the just concluded judgement of the Court of Appeal regarding the Presidential Tribunal, I spoke wittingly about the issues of technicality that spiraled the case of the appellants. The words of the presiding judge suggested that the law is not swayed by public opinion and that the law would stand as the law irrespective of the opinion of the public. The issue here is the masses greatly expressed concerns about the validity of the elections given the several perplexities they encountered en route to voting; these expressions were even before the questions of legality were brought up. Why, then, do we decide on technicality in the administration of justice? The administration of justice should reflect the democracy that is in practice; let’s not just have a democracy that is an idea or a theory; let the practice be widespread and permeate into the justice system. The administration of justice is to foster the administration of the public; why then should technicality take pre-eminence and public opinion be jettisoned? I am not saying that the technicalities therein should be avoided or relegated, but then the court of public opinion should be given reference; only then can we achieve true democracy in practice. This is where historians with a wealth of experience, having gathered intelligence from the perusal of the antecedents of the country, play a vital role in the engendering of public opinion for the administration of justice.

The number two man in the judiciary, Dattijo Muhammad, on Friday, accused the system he served as being corrupt and derelict in delivering duties. He said the public has no respect for the judiciary because of the corrupt ways it does it works. You may have read other things he said, sir, what would you say on the issue he raised?

When a high-ranking official within the judiciary accuses the system of corruption and dereliction of duties, it is a serious matter that requires attention. Such accusations can undermine public trust and confidence in the judiciary, which is essential for the proper functioning of any legal system. If these allegations are true, the judiciary must take immediate action to address the issues raised. This may involve conducting thorough investigations, implementing stricter accountability measures, and ensuring transparency in the judicial process. It is also important for the judiciary to engage in dialogue with the public to regain their trust and demonstrate their commitment to justice. This is where the engagement of public opinion in the administration of justice plays a vital role; giving the very persons who have lost confidence a chance at the table would, to a great extent, foster the resuscitation of the lost confidence. It was once said that the judiciary is the last hope of the common man; what then should we say now that the judiciary is bereft of corruption and easily swayed, claiming technicalities as the basis for apparent erroneous judgement?

It is worth noting that accusations of corruption and inefficiency within the judiciary are not unique to any particular country or legal system. Many countries face similar challenges, and it is an ongoing struggle to maintain a fair and impartial judiciary. Continuous efforts are necessary to address these issues and uphold the principles of justice and the rule of law.

Ultimately, it is up to the relevant authorities and stakeholders to take appropriate action in response to the concerns raised by Danjitto Muhammad and work towards a judiciary that is free from corruption and delivers its duties effectively.

The president recently approved four out of the eight months of salaries of university workers seized by Buhari but with the condition that they must sign an undertaking never to go on strike again. Was that not a strange thing to demand in a democracy?

Ina democracy, workers have the right to peaceful assembly and collective bargaining, including the right to strike, as long as it is done within the confines of the law. Therefore, such a demand may be seen as an attempt to suppress the workers’ rights and restrict their freedom of association. They work for the government and, therefore, have a right to revolt against the decision of the government to withhold their salaries. A workman is worthy of his wages, in as much as they have duly performed their duties, why then does the government delay the payment of salaries? These individuals are fathers and benefactors having a lot of dependants; they feed these mouths from the abundance of their work; why then should they not embark on strike actions? It could be considered a violation of workers’ rights to demand that they sign an undertaking never to go on strike again in exchange for the release of their salaries. The government can do better than coerce them into an agreement to sign an undertaking; they should put their money where their mouth is and also sign an undertaking not to owe salaries again, the common Nigerian would say,‘ojoro cancel ojoro’. In a democracy, its pillars are the fundamentals that foster the longevity of the system; the fundamental rights of the individuals are one of such pillars, non-negotiable at that and such form the fulcrum of any decision or any agreement.

Why, then, should the government displace this principle? We really have gotten things wrong in this country; the importance of education has been relegated to the point that staff are being owed salaries, and the government withheld such salaries because the institution expressed their right to industrial action; this is anything short of democracy. This is an affront to democracy; a glimpse of dictatorship has been expressed, and as I said earlier, let democracy not just be an idea we appraise theoretically; let us be pragmatic about it and afford every individual their basic right, especially when the individual has performed his obligations and duties.

In general, what is your opinion of the Nigerian politician?

I had the esteemed honour of interviewing His Excellency, Olusegun Obasanjo, and he made a poignant point that our politicians lost the meaning of nationalism on Independence Day; the notion of the kind of politics we see today started immediately after colonialism. Prior to this time, politics was an avenue to venture into nation-building; back in colonial Nigeria, nationalism was apolitical response to the decolonisation of Nigeria in its entirety. The quality leadership of a country spells and mirrors the kind of achievement that a country would experience; we can see an exemplar in Nelson Mandela’s leadership of South Africa; he translated the aspirations he had for an apartheid South Africa into the democratic South Africa, a leadership so profound that the world recognised its impact thereof. Most importantly, it is very surprising how an individual, who is widely accepted, ruled for just a tenure and relinquished office to another; he didn’t seize such power for himself, a trait African leaders do not possess, yet they tighten their grip on political power with each year that passes. I really cannot assess the Nigerian politician without putting Africa in perspective; it is something that our political system is fraught with. In Nigeria, this is even exacerbated by the fact that the country has the wherewithal to achieve the full state of being, and, as the Americans say, the pursuit of happiness, as opposed to less privileged African countries. We indeed have witnessed the leadership of astute individuals who have tallied and synchronised with the political spirit that led our colonial struggles, these individuals are still in existence till today; they are just overcrowded and overshadowed by the crowd of defected politicians. The political system is fraught with a majority of individuals who have jettisoned the national interest and have taken on self or collective interest and used the national powers to perpetuate these selfish moves. I speak generally about politicians, including those who have wielded power, those who have never and the ones aspiring to; they have given the world a catastrophic opinion about the nation of Nigeria. Please, my position on this matter is really on the vast majority of political players in the country; earlier, I conceded that we have witnessed some individuals propel national interest in the political space but are overshadowed by a great number of non-aligned individuals. Politicians in Nigeria need to adopt the philosophy of national interest and frown furiously at embezzlement and wrong use of political power. It would be very dismal that in the next decade, we still decry and speak ill of the leaders of our dear country, Nigeria.

You work so hard, and it is said that you may not know how many books you have written. How do you unwind, especially now that age is not really on your side?

Funny how you readily suggest that age is not on my side; time and age are on the side of whoever has not accomplished that which was impressed into his being. I am doing what I love, and every day, the fulfilments and achievements refresh me and refuel my passion. Prof. Paul Lovejoy, who is a decade older than I am, is still bursting with energy, so yes, I still possess the strength and vigour. Presently, I’m working on five books, and you understand the toll it takes to work on books, but my strength is still intact.

As for unwinding, I have a lot of friends that I socialise with, and speaking to them helps me relax. As you know, the demands and expectations of my art require utmost dexterity and commitment, and as such, I do not have so much luxury of time to really socialise, but the few times when I get to do so with my friends, it actually relaxes me and also interaction with them opens me up to new perspectives and ideas as touching my field of study.

Finally, what would you say is your greatest achievement so far, and what next, intellectually, should we expect from you?

It really is hard for an individual like me to really point out my greatest achievement; I am self-evident of many achievements. However, I can state some of the achievements that resonate with me till today-my children stand as one of my greatest achievements. I have produced a progeny of successful children, and I am quite proud of them. At the undergraduate level, I have built successive generations, too many to be counted, of which most of these individuals have gone on to become very successful in academia. As to writing, I will complete my three volumes on Nigeria for Cambridge University Press, my books on the Yoruba for Indiana, my memoirs for Michigan, and five textbooks for Routledge and Decolonization for Rochester. I also want to acknowledge my recognition and honorary awards from Nigerian academic institutions, as we recently saw in the D.Litt. given to me from the University of Abuja and Mkar University, awards which I hold so profoundly. It is a popularised saying that a prophet is not recognised in his hometown; this has not been the case for me; despite criticism, I have received laudable commendation and recognition from the people of Nigeria. I would continue to serve Nigeria and change the narrative on a global scale; this has been my drive, irrespective of the methodology employed in its achievement. These are, at best, the achievements I can point to and say I am really proud of; of course, there will be more to come, but for now, I exalt these achievements.