The New “Scramble For Africa” And Re-Federalizing Nigeria In Good Time
Recent developments in the political and security environment in Africa have exposed the limitations in confining Re-Federalizing Nigeria to the much-touted amendments to the 1999 Constitution where certain functions of the central government are merely transferred to the states, when, ordinarily, these functions ought to have been the prerogative of any administration desirous of pursuing the development and social well-being of the people. These functions include amendments on Railways and electricity generation and distribution, foundational to economic development and which do not need any constitutional amendment to embrace in a Federation.
These have become issues to celebrate merely because of a lack of historical understanding which showed that railways and electricity played vital roles in the colonial economy such that Re-Federalization has been abridged, distanced from their economic and developmental imperatives, and reduced to “gradual constitutional amendment” via “devolution.” Limiting the return of federalism to a country that obtained political independence with a federal constitution that recognized the autonomy of each region with such phrases as “fiscal federalism,” “state police,” and Exclusive and Concurrent lists of functions just scratches the surface of the problems that face most post-colonial states in Africa, especially those states that are multiethnic. Such states, in view of the recent demonstration of different attitudes to democracy certainly need to smell the coffee and wake up to how to save most of the states believed by the African Union (AU) as essentially sacrosanct whether governance structure is conducive to good governance or not. Now is a good time for ECOWAS and the AU to relate to the question of proper and sustainable State Formation, especially in view of the return of military coups d’etat to the African political space.
For example, the reactions to the coup in Gabon, taken alongside reactions to similar coups in other parts of the Sahel with optics of real or contrived “popular” support among the citizens of the countries, the usual diplomatese by the various international agencies and organizations, non-interference in domestic affairs, the reiteration of cultural, lingual, and political relationships across borders all throw up the question of the relationship between a country’s extant sovereignty and cultural nationalism of the Nations as citizens of the sovereign country while showing that Federalism must now become the foundational architecture of the multiethnic State.
With the above, it is meet to interrogate Re-Federalization narrative in such a manner that arriving at a resolution will cement democracy, not only in Nigeria but also in the rest of the continent.
Hence the Yoruba Referendum Committee states as follows:
(i) Nigeria has been in the forefront of democracy on the African Continent, since the anti-colonial era where contestations on ideas of independence shaped the anti-colonial trajectory, away from the prevalent quest to confine decolonization to continuation of the colonially inspired Nation State, where many anti-colonial agitations simply pursued replacing the colonial power with its African equivalent. Those who pursued “armed struggle” did not fare better in the sense that they became virtual one-party states established along the path laid down by their foreign supporters but without the social, economic, and political infrastructure that enabled the foreign one-party states. It was only a matter of time before “armed struggle” outlived its usefulness in those countries.
(ii) For Nigeria, however, the Nationalities became the source and route for decolonization which played out between the Nationalitiesas the contest between Federalism and Unitarism. This was further manifested by their pre-Independence participation in governance through their various regional administrations which became the foundation for Independence, albeit with various outcomes, one of which was the Western Nigeria’s experience, often dubbed by the people as their “Golden Era.”
(iii) An examination of this era, beyond its physical manifestations on economic and cultural development, is in its embodiment as the manifestation of the aspirations and expectation of the Yoruba in terms of their decolonization, deriving from their pre-colonial historical experience which had pitted Yoruba Federalists against their Unitarist counterparts and had led to the Yoruba Civil War and which subsequently became tied to the form of State to replace colonial rule, to wit: the Federal State. Thus, when we celebrate Awolowo, it is not only because of his achievements as Premier of Western Region of Nigeria but because the Federalism he projected as fundamental to the anti-colonial quest derived from its internalization by the People of the West.
(iv) In other parts of Africa, most of the anti-colonial nationalists anchored their demands on the opposite, the denial of the Nationalities as the central decolonizing agency and pursued the Nation-State colonial paradigm, hence, the leader became the personification of anti-colonialism/neo-capitalism such that their people were unable to protect and pursue such ideas on the demise of these leaders because their ideas have no impact on their realities. We recall that Awolowo advised Nkrumah on the centrality of the "National Question" in decolonization, in the run up to the 1958 Accra Conference of African Peoples. Nkrumah did not take to the advice. When he was overthrown, his ideas on Pan-Africanism went with him.
(v) Despite the above, the impact of the Yoruba on the quest for Re-Federalizing Nigeria has not been made manifest, especially since the advent of civilian rule in 1999. The Yoruba people have literally surrendered their inherent capacity to advance the quest for self-actualization because they are either absent or absent-minded when crucial decisions are being made, despite being represented by either political or “socio-cultural” leaders and organizations supposedly selected by those in charge of the country’s central government that has appropriated to themselves, the authority to take decisions reflecting the general expectation of Yoruba and other People(s), thereby making it possible for the central government to discard, disregard or ignore any agreements. This has been the case through the various conferences since 1999.
(vi) The “contagious autocracy” sweeping across Africa, to quote President Tinubu, has now provided the opportunity to reverse this trend, not only for Nigeria but also as a template for the rest of Africa, where another “scramble for Africa” seems to be taking place as several global powers jockey for dominance directly or through surrogates. We cannot afford again to be onlookers in our history, more so when the “International Community” is always prepared to intervene, one way or the other, yet without commensurate intervention from the Peoples of Africa. This was further shown by the call by the Opposition candidate in Gabon, in an interview before the elections, anchored on the twin pillars of the people’s vote and expectation of support from the international community.
(vii) According to him, “When one is faced with a dictatorship, one adapts to its traps. Bongo can feel his defeat and is multiplying a series of acts to maintain himself in office ad vitam aeternam. This electoral law is a trap, but we are going to foil it. The first way is for the people to give their vote. The second way is the international community. No African power can function without the international community. Previously, Ali Bongo lost the elections, but he was able to run the country because the international community recognized his position. This year, we have been working to raise awareness among the international community and if he cheats again, this time the international community will not be on his side." If the opposition follows through, the military will eventually be defeated as Nigeria’s experience with NADECO showed. If they can’t follow through, there is the potential for continuous instability.
(viii) To follow through requires going beyond the Manichean division between military and civilian rule, more so with our experience in Nigeria navigating through this dichotomy without providing an answer, hence requiring attempts at Re-Federalization by all civilian administrations since 1999. This means Nigeria must move towards advancing the establishment of parameters for the form of State necessary in a Multi-Lingual Multi-Cultural society which most of Africa is, and which will become the focus of engagement with the international community, especially in the efforts towards achieving peace on the continent.
(ix) The standard for engaging the international community must therefore be set within Africa and Nigeria can take the lead by ensuring Re-Federalization is achieved through the instrumentality of Nationality Referendums, not as a gift from the Central government but as the Legitimate exercise of the people’s will. This is because the international community has utilized the Referendum Process to achieve results beneficial to the societies in which it was applied. We recall that the Soviet Union broke up mainly because its army attempted to overturn the results of the Referendum for a Re-Federalized Soviet Union; even though the EU supported and encouraged the Catalonia Referendum even when Spain declared it illegal, the support was retained until a new political administration was voted into power in Madrid, which eventually pardoned all those convicted in the Catalan Referendum.
(x) With the above, and more, it can be concluded that the best way for Africans to partake in their own future is through the Nationality Referendum process to usher in Federal Multi-National States, capable of neutralizing any military coup, resolving the dichotomy between civilian and military rule, ensuring that the nationalities are active participants in the process of their development, and redefine Regional cooperation where comparative advantage in economic investment will spread across boundaries thereby limiting the unnecessary impact and influence of foreign capital influenced by different sovereign expectations of the Nation-States and prevent international contest for influence and power from becoming the dominant source of relations between African societies, thereby resolving the almost inherent crises of State prevalent in Africa.
(xi) For the Yoruba Referendum Committee, the Yoruba referendum is to be conducted by the Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun, Ondo, and Ekiti State Houses of Assembly. Other Nationalities with contiguous territories can do likewise. Those without such territories can utilize any mechanism that will suit their purpose. The Referendum is a political issue, and the political parties must decide on it. This way, a new Federal Multi-National State will come into being and become a model for the rest of Africa.
Editorial Board,
Yoruba Referendum Committee