Modeling Devolved Governance Systems In Kenya Against Corruption By Using Game Theory Of Social Behaviour

Abstract
Kenya as any other developing country is challenged in its politics, governance and public sector economics by a social vice of corruption. In the developing countries, most of the central government institutions are overtly threatened by corruption which is both deliberate and unconscious break down in human morals by public servants. This is a challenging situation to governance both at centralized and devolved governance. These in turn gravitate to undermine democratic processes in the governance structures. Leaders at all levels have accepted wildness of corruption in the Kenya’s governance system. Unfortunately, corruption as a social vice has been miss-understood as an isolated legal problem of the culprit. This is in stark contradistinction with a technical reality that corruption as institutionalized dishonesty is only a human expression of the systemic animal nature of tendency to dissemble or cheat as an ecological need to survive the competitive nature of biological and ecological games. Thus an act of corruption is an out-come of social-biological systems but not isolated legal problem. This paper therefore is focused on the intellectual need to explain human behavior of corruption as a challenge to devolved governance by using the mathematical model of game theory by applying the concept of prisoner’s dilemma. The paper will use a cross-sectional approach to examine 47 counties of Kenya that will be reduced to a sample of 30% of the target population from which data will be collected by observation and archival approach to analyze distinct game behaviors within the dynamics that accompany an act corruption in governance structures.

Key words; game theory, corruption, devolution, governance

Introduction and preamble
The problem of this study was corruption as a challenge to devolved governance in Kenya.The purpose that guided the study was how we can use game theory to enhance devolved governance beyond hurdles of corruption. Game theory of corruption has diverse bases. It is first based on the game theory of operational research, which treats an economic operation as a game in which each player(s) takes a course of action that has a higher payoff or benefit and defects from a course of action that has a higher tradeoff or costs. Basically game theory is about shareholder’s or owner’s equity maximization and costs minimization, it is like linear programming it is one of the investment decision making technique that dictate investor rationality. Game theory of social behaviour like corruption is an extension of the usual game theory in operation research. It takes any political space as a game space. In which players are politicians, public leaders and citizens. It is a game between politicians and citizens. For Kenya’s case ethnic nationalism is one of the game variables; tradeoff or payoff. In this case corruption is taken to be mathematically a ration course of action. Averagely, it is a disillusionment that, no act of corruption can be done without a cognitive excellence in search of maximizing personal benefit and minimization of benefits in the camp of otherness. Going by the empirical literature that observed game of corruption at the Silicon Valley by researchers like Mckinnon (2016), the act of corruption is either to be deduced as rational irrationality or to be deducted as irrational rationality.

Methodology
This paper used multiple approaches to carry out the academic investigations for the purpose. It used multiple case study approach, by extensively applying document analysis, news paper archives and content examination, ethnography, participation, cross-sectional study. The target population of the study is the 47 counties of Kenya, The sample used was30% of the target population, given that the unit of analysis was a county thus 13 counties were randomly selected by use of purposeful sampling technique to establish a sample which contained Kirinyaga County, Kakamega county, turkana county,Busia county, Bungoma county,Makueni county, Nairobi county, Turkana county , Uasin Gishu county, Kericho county,trans nzoia county, West Pokot county, Kisumu County, Nakuru county and the north eastern corridor as basic elements that form the units of analysis in the sample. Data was collected on emplyoement, procurement, expenditures, public land and other public properties within the time scope 2013 the year of inception of devolved governance in Kenya till may 2016.

Biological perspectives of the game theory of corruption

Corruption is not a reserve of man. It is behaviour among plants and other animals adopted for the purpose of surviving scarcity in the natural environment. Cowbirds hoodwink the doves during the egg laying, incubation and the fitting stage, foxes always set traps including use of the anus cavity to trap the chicken, snakes pretend to be dead in order to get their prey, dwarf chimpanzees use homosexuality as a basis of their dispute resolution, human beings use earth worms or bird calling sounds to catch fish and trap the bird, cows withhold milk for the calves and even human mothers are naturally allergic to co-children for no other reason but for survival of her own. And very many other animals display corrupt behaviour. Thus corruption is a biological behaviour that can be controlled the same way family planning is used to regulate reproductive behavior. Sadedin (2016) observed that, naturalists have long regarded ants and bees as a sort of living parable on the benefits of universal virtue.

She further guoted Karl Marx on the observation of animal behaviour, where he argued that certainly, the eusocial insects are better citizens than you or I will ever be. Reproduction is restricted to queens and drones. The workers, unable to pass on their private genome, devote themselves instead to the service of the nest. From the perspective of our own contentious societies, it’s tempting to view the anthill as a place of angelic or robotic order.

Sadedin goes ahead to contract Marx’s observation of the order among the insects by pointing out that, that Karl Marx was not quite right. Even in these superhumanly lawful communities, crime lurks. In virtually all the eusocial insects, a few workers surreptitiously lay eggs of their own, eggs that can grow into reproductive males. By diverting shared resources away from the nest, these workers selfishly reduce the fitness of their nest mates. They play the system for their own advantage. Sadedin also points out those Wasps engage in corrupt behaviour just as the bees.

Theoretical basis of the Game theory of corruption

If we had to name one reason why petty and serious corruption is so difficult to tackle in Kenya, it has to be that it makes sense for people to engage in it than not. Unlike measures such as smoking bans, seatbelt laws, and drinking and driving laws and several others, where there is a clear and quantifiable individual as well as collective benefit to those who do the right thing, corruption bans are contrasting hard to enforce because there aren’t easily discernible individual benefits to those who obey them. Saddening enough, in countries like Kenya and other African countries where corruption is socially and politically systemic, people who do what is right and follow whatever anti-corruption law usually will find themselves losing out to those who don’t.

From the perspective of the game theory of corruption under the concept of prisoner’s dilemma, we arrive at the reality is that avoiding corruption in this setting can also lead to inefficient outcomes in addition to putting you in a disadvantaged situation. For example, if you don’t bribe, not only will your wife not get the vaccine, but also your colleague who bribed and got the vaccine might need it less than your wife does. Or even the business license and any other pertinent public service will be given not to you the most deserving and capable entrepreneur, but to your neighbor who is not deserving but bribed who to get the license in the first place. Corruption hinders economic development by introducing inefficiencies in the system.

The negative logic in this juncture is that it is unfortunate for developing countries and any other country fighting corruption, given that it is difficult to certainly confront it because it is actually quite logical for people to succumb and give in to the temptation to bribe or be bribed. In the language of game theory we thus say that corruption is the Prisoner’s Dilemma in application.

Cassidy (2015) explains the financial crisis with game theory which can very well be applied to explaining corruption as a challenge to devolved governance and political leadership in Kenya. He argues that the cause of the crisis in the American financial markets at Wall Street was not that the C.E.O.s acted with greed, overconfidence, and downright stupidity, but that they all acted rationally, given the circumstance.

Cassidy cause ahead to term this challenging behavior as rational irrationality, by which he means the behavior that on the individual level is perfectly reasonable but that when aggregated in the marketplace or any public system produces bad results.

Cassidy goes ahead to attribute the negative logic of rational irrationality to John Maynard Keynes. In his General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money, likens capitalist ventures investment and property formation to games like those of musical chairs, newspaper competitions, chess, and football. To win either game, you have to choose the course to the outcome which will minimize comfort of the competitor regardless of your personal moral opinion.

As for the case of devolved governance and public service in Kenya it is the case of very many social games played in one field known as the Kenyan nation, the players are public officers and political leaders , while the cheering spectators are the citizens being captives of their ethnic nationalism. The public officers, politicians and the Kenyan citizens are simply reacting to what others are doing and what others did to remain admirable. In the language of game theory it is a version of the Prisoner’s. When in prison and fellow prisoners are running away you have to also run away with them because if you remain the warder will come and be tougher to you as your former inmates that ran away enjoy freedom at home. Your family on hearing this will blame you for not running away.

Empirical Findings of Gamely Rationalities in Corrupt Actions

Moi University had corrupted the finances by feigning that they are buying for airbuses for the university when the airbuses are a donation by the University of Oklahoma. The audit also established this wheel dealing left a university accounts clerk with a bank balance of Ksh 30 million, the source of the money was not justifiable. Similarly cases like use of the Eurobond money for personal survival in politics and private property, procurement fads like buying a wheel barrow, building a gate, buying a chair and a pen by the County government procurement units at a whooping were also evident. The purpose for all these was arrived at through analysis by using tools of political science, as initially applied by Mishra and Asirvatham (2009), it was established that pitfalls in the consciousness of ethnic nationalism and as well as treatment of the private property as a fetish but public property as a residual were the main forces that influence rational irrationality in the social process of corruption in Kenya’s public offices.

On the issue of corruption as a pitfall of national consciousness, it means that Kenya, in its capacity as a state and a government is now a victim of uncontrollable corruptions. The media of all type from both within and without has conclusively called Kenya as a country of mega corruption. The president so far has accepted that his country is a society of state thievery. This is great as acceptance is the only first critical point from which you start solving a problem. President Kenyatta is correctly diagnostic, Kenya as a political and state organization is currently under lethal threat of mega-theft of crown properties by state officers, a vice that is only self-perpetuating through generations as a mere pitfall of national consciousness riding on the crest of self-idolatry of the tribes in love with the selves while putting on the dark blinkers even to a simple damn for the humanity in poverty that makes social geography of this country on the western shores of the Indian ocean. What am I saying? I am saying that it is not the absolute duty of the state and government to fight corruption, but instead they are the people of Kenya that are bound to be wary and supposed to come out of sweet sentimentalities of tribal cocoonery and firmly say no to corruption and the corrupt leaders, especially the leaders as fellow tribesmen. It is so unfortunate that the people of Kenya expect a bourgeoisie state like the one in Kenya to fight corruption. It is impossible. History of politics is a repertoire of technical facts confirming a testament that bourgeoisie political organizations cannot fight corruption in the political class, instead the state is a basic tool which the economic bourgeoisie and the political bourgeoisie use as a tool of oppression for properly smashing the common person and the peasantry into a forlorn social station of the wretched of the earth.

The bourgeoisie state pretends to be an agent of democracy when only it is purely dissembling in the realm of stark hypocrisy. Factually; democracy is a paralysis of political socialization and the bourgeoisie state is the handmaid of this viciousness. The bourgeoisie democratic state like the one currently observed in Kenya is a degenerate and perverted government extolling itself as a tyranny of the majority that has no respect for human liberty in the sense of liberty from want and political betrayal. Such bourgeoisie states protect mediocrity, vicious political pressure, inefficiency, invisible oligarchy, insincerity, foolish knavery, defective hero-worship, irrationality, wolf-mindedness, extravagancy, illicit gain, misemployment, diseducation, ill-digested legislations and conversion of politics into a gainful profession.

The public foolishness displayed by the tribal nations in Kenya where corruption is only corruption if committed by a person from another ethnic nation but is an act of heroism if done within acceptable precincts of brotherism or ethnicity plus the paper tiger or scare-crow institutions like anti-corruption commission only blend into an unfettered mid-wife for strong corruption culture. It is the strong feelings of tribal identity that has made Kenya to be a domain of corrupt state officers. Normally the state cannot fight nationalisms but instead it finds it virgin grounds in which to entrench permanence of its political power. Contrastingly, the people of Kenya can unite expeditiously against this inimical nationalism as they have nothing to lose in this unity apart from shackles of poverty and chains of social exclusion.

Bourgeoisie political socialization of the Kenyan type always make corruption to be part of the social game wholesomely cherished by all the politically stranded human beings in their unconscious and desperate struggle towards self-burgeosiefication. Humanity in Kenya is now under weighty condition of prisoner’s dilemma. Where the moral consciousness is undermined by the reality that the president is protecting a thief or the thief is becoming a governor or a mayor or enjoying immunity from judicial proceedings then what am I doing ? Why can’t I also steal and pose as a politician on the side of the current government? These are thoughts for survival in any game. This game psychology is evident in the way senators in Kenya are currently positioning themselves to contest for the positions of governors in the next government, so that they can access openings for corruptions.

Whereas on the issue of holding private property as a fetish but public property as a ridicule, can be realized by those of you that have ever stayed in Africa, either in Kenya, Nigeria or South Africa or any other part of sub-Saharan Africa you must be already aware of the brutal way in which a thief on the street is beaten to death through mob justice. In most cases the thief is usually a street child that is hungry or a poor and depraved person stealing a cell-phone, or pick-pocketing small and cheap items to go and sell on the underground market for food. Kenya is deeply buried in this culture of mob justice. It has even exported to the English speaking world the term tyrenecklace, which is a neologism for putting an old tyre, sprinkled with petrol, around the neck of a suspected thief then burns him or her to death. This is expression of nothing else but respect for private property as sacred right of the individuals in Kenya and its level of capitalism. It is public testimony that private property is a fetish to the people of Kenya.

You will again be stunned to the pithy of your nerves to learn that these people beat to death a street thief for stealing her roasted cop of maize are the same people that will break to uncontrollable song and dance on the sight of the political leader approaching in a sleazy car imported from Japan. Not that the politician is a beacon of public morality, but he has only enriched himself by looting the public treasury, grapped and sold public land, misappropriated the public funds, looted the drugs from the public hospital and left the hospital dry of any drug or grapped and sold land of the community primary school just but to mention few examples.

Here, you must observe the logic of denotation or even connotation. Why is one praised and worshiped when he or she becomes rich by stealing or looting the public property by the people of Kenya? And why are the people of Kenya again very ready to hold as sacred in a fetish status this public property that is now stolen and wrongly or illegally existing as the private property in the hands of the thievish political leader? The answers may range from culture to ideology. But before we fix the answers to these questions let us first define some basic concepts.

Public property will be taken to mean the community or public property as defined by the Kenya Constitution 2010.This is the operational definition for the purpose of this paper. It includes properties held by the government on behalf of the citizens of Kenya. The government holding the property can be central government or devolved government. Public property can be a chattel or movable property, immovable property, money in form cash like the ones devolved to each of the fort seven Counties in Kenya. Natural resources and mineral deposits, rivers, oceans, lakes and forest can be held as public property by the government on behalf of the people or the community.

Devolution in this paper means the forty seven County governments in Kenya. They were created by the constitution in 2010.It was an effort to bring government services closer to people. Devolved governments are headed by governor and supported by the members of county assembly representing different political wards. Powers of the devolved government are checked by the court of law.However, devolved governments are also endowed with delegated legislations to make the laws through their county assemblies.

Governance is motley of administrative duties. It can be political or corporate governance. In this paper governance implies both political and corporate governance, which shall also be described as public sector governance .Administration of political and public policy to achieve social inclusion for balanced development is the duty of governance at central government level and devolved government levels. In contrast to the above duties, the devolved governments in Kenya are most exclusive political institutions. They are instead driven neurotically by the ideology of the tribe. A closer examination will reveal that they are the hotbeds of political and economic as well as social corruption. They are the chief impediment to the achievement of economic sustainability through profitable use of social capital otherwise known as public property.

Economic sustainability desired in Kenya is different from other countries. Especially developed countries in Europe and North American states. It operationally denotes; good natural environment, rule of law, fundamental rights to ownership of property, right to access and access of basic education, clean water, medical care, security and food. It also means social inclusion of women and children in economic projects, freedom from crude culture like circumcising of women and discrimination of gays as well as lesbians, business opportunity and rights to claim of constitutional privileges. Family values, religious freedom, freedom from environmental pollution in the senses of sound, air, water and soil.Infact these are the variables of economic sustenance that devolved governance in Kenya is supposed to achieve.Surely,there is glaring observation to contrary that the devolved governments are the key perpetrators of odious deviation from the pre-supposed economic sustainability. How? Through regular political and institutional injustice to the public property. Let us now look for the reasons why public property in Africa and Kenya in particular, is not as sacred and as fetishes to the people the way private property is.

Both Karl mark and Adam smith pointed out that capitalism survived and will survive in Europe because of private property being held in respect by the community and the governments. AdamSmith in the Wealth of the Nations argued that private property rights are sacred among the European communities of his time. In the same intellectual stretch Karl Marx in Das Kapital called commodities as Fetishes; this can also be logically extended as private properties as fetishes in the industrial and bourgeoisie world of his time. A century later Lenin in his collected works (1919) extended the argument by posting that capitalism succeeds because of its respect for private property and hence socialism cannot succeed unless there is maximum respect for public properties in the socialist societies. By analogy therefore, poor economies with a mixed economy must have both; maximum respect for private property and terse respect for public or community property.

The above citations are clear indications that in the developed world, foundation of development was based on property consciousness both at public and private level is guided by ideology .Contrastingly, in Africa and particularly in Kenya, it is only private property that is respected, but the property held by the government on behalf of the community is not given respect, leave alone ethical treatment. Absence of right ideology is the first cause of this moral deviation required for economic development. Professionals in African countries are not guided by any scientific ideology in their discharge of public duties. They subscribe to capitalism blindly, without knowing that for the society to prosper under a capitalist mode of economy public servants have to be ethical, honest, competent, and socially obliged to the welfare of the entire society. Primitive accumulation of money and riches at the expense of the defenseless society is not an entrepreneurial virtue. It is only mere conspiracy to the wholes development efforts of the society. This is what the Africans in the political and industrial class are not aware of. Their appetite for personal and selfish gain has totally blinkered their vision towards an imperative call for respect to the public resources as a pre-condition for economic success.

An ethnographic examination will easily reveal that, even if Kenya has taken a course of market oriented path to economic development, Kenyan communities have not yet achieved to internalize market civilization. The communities still live under the ethnic umbrella in form of clans and tribes. The economic classes have not yet taken roots. These conditions make one to feel secure if he or she is related to the rich kin or relative. This is again the same psychological foundations that will make the community to perceive one as a hero if he or she loots the government to come and share with his or her ethnic community or family members. These thus, suffice us to argue that the crude culture redolent of pre-market civilizations is the virgin ground for disrespect to the public property in Kenya.

Political misuse of public property in the post-colonial government of Kenya has had a history that cuts across all the political eras. In 2012 Kenya was ranked 139th out of 176 countries for misuse of public property, tied with Azerbaijan, Nepal, Nigeria, and Pakistan. Transparency International Kenya report (2012) estimated the average urban Kenyan pays six bribes per month. Most of these bribes are fairly small but large ones are also. Bribes are also a severe case of corrupt misuse of public office or pubic resource by the public officer. The public procurement sector in Kenya is the most likely organ to perpetrate misuse of public resources.

Between 1986 and 1991 there was a case for the misuse of public property in the process of construction of the Turkwel Hydroelectric Power Station was riddled with claims heavy weight corruption. The hydro-electric dam was eventually built at three times the estimated cost, twice the allocated amount and producing energy significantly below the expected capacity.

In some five years ago, a Sh360 million helicopter servicing contract in South Africa was executed. Military officers had honestly argued that the contract was too extravagant and servicing the helicopters could be done at cheaper fees locally. Kenya Air Force went ahead to spend Sh108 million as a down payment for servicing the Puma helicopters, whose tail number is logged as 418 at Denel Aviation, a South African firm. This was only a stretch to loot the state.

Transparency International Kenya report in 2005 showed the plans to buy a sophisticated £20 million passport equipment system from France, as government wanted to replace its passport printing system, created conditions for misuse of public property. The transaction was originally quoted at 6 million euros from François Charles Oberthur of Paris, but was awarded to a British firm, the Anglo-Leasing and Finance Company Limited, at 30 million euros, who would have sub-contracted the same French firm to do the work. the motivation was corruption not service to the society.

In November 2006, British Foreign Office minister Kim Howells warned, that misuse of public property in Kenya is increasing the UK's exposure to drug trafficking and terrorism. Howells decried the situation by talking to BBC that, ‘People can be bought, right from the person who works at the docks in Mombasa up to the government .This weakness has been recognized by drug-traffickers and probably by terrorists too.’ On 31 August 2007, The Guardian newspaper featured on its front page a story about more than GBP 1 billion transferred out of Kenya by the family and associates of former Kenyan leader Daniel arap Moi.

In June 2008, the author of this paper witnessed the Grand Regency Scandal, wherein the Central Bank of Kenya is alleged to have secretly sold a luxury hotel in Nairobi to an unidentified group of Libyan investors for more than 4 billion Kenyan Shillings (approx US $60 million) below the appraised market value. Finance Minister Amos Kimunya, also a tribesman to the president then, negotiated the sale, and was censured in a near-unanimous motion by the Kenyan Parliament, though he vehemently denies the charges. This follows on the heels of the Safaricom IPO, overseen by Kimunya, which has been alternatively praised and questioned for possible misuse of public property in the execution of the sale. Safaricom is the largest mobile phone service provider in Kenya, having operated with a near-government monopoly for many years. The government of Kenya sold its 50% stake in Safaricom in the IPO.

According to Wikipedia (2015)Transparency International Kenya report in October 2010, showed that the Department of Defence uncovered a bribery scandal involving senior Kenya Defence Force Officers in the corrupt Sh1.6 billion purchase of armored personnel carriers from South African company OTT Technologies (Pty) Ltd. Minister of Defence Yusuf Haji retired several high-ranking officers in January 2011 accused of taking bribes by OTT Technologies (Pty) Ltd, and the matter was referred for further investigation to Parliament. The September 2012 Report on Military Modernization Programmes by the Departmental Committee on Defence and Foreign Relations found that the irregular procurement of the PUMA M26 armored carriers had violated multiple sections of the Public Procurement Act 2005, that OTT Technologies (Pty) Ltd's business partners in Kenya had been identified by the US Government as being involved in international crime and drugs smuggling, and recommended that OTT Technologies (Pty) Ltd be barred from doing any business with the Government of Kenya in the future. In 2014, the same company was accused by the government of Mozambique of irregular tax and export control activities in the transport of similar armored carriers through Mozambique for onward trafficking into Africa.

Since inception of the Jubilee leadership in 2013, the media in Kenya (Royal Media Services, The East African Standard and the DailyNation) has shown very many cases of the public officers looting the state property. In 2015 alone more than Kenya shillings 15 billion were loosed by the government through corruption. The minister of devolution Anne Waiguru misappropriated, Kenya shillings 9 billion on the faked National youth service project. The governor of Bungoma County bought a hundred wheelbarrows for the County government, one wheelbarrow at cost of Kenya shillings 1.5 million compared to the then prevailing market rate of Kenya shillings 2500.Another funny and foolish act of corruption was done by the Governor of Kirinyaga County who claimed that he had opened a face-book account for the county by paying Kenya shilling 12 million as fees for the service. What I mean is simply corruption and mad disrespect for public property.

By way of conclusion I want to go by the argument of other previous researches which have shown that that a society with better redistribution of resources enjoys more frequent and longer periods of economic growth and sustainable development. Corruption as form of injustice to public property is thus futile to any effective redistribution scheme a government is undertaking. Corruption frustrates people and leave them disproving of their institutions. a society with corruption cannot possibly enjoy sustainable economic growth and development as evidently seen in African countries. Corruption therefore the world’s greatest challenge. It is a hindrance to sustainable development. It harshly affects the poor communities.

How do we use Game Theory Approach to Counter Corruption?

Treating corruption as a criminal matter will therefore not work out for Kenya and other developing political as well as economic systems. We need better approach, given that corruption is a social, biological and systemic game behaviour, and thus we need a countering game that is also systemic in nature in order to contain corruption.

So how should we fight corruption, Macrae, (2012) suggests that the response to a situation of this kind emerging has generally been to suggest regulation by outside authority of firm or individual behavior in an effort to ensure that private and public interests are brought into line. But this solution is of doubtful applicability in this case for it is the very behavior of these authorities that has been made an integral part of the game.

Macrae further points out that, absent effective government enforcement mechanisms, we need to turn to the people. So can we expect individual citizens to fight such an endemic practice, given what we know about corruption, game theory, and rational irrationality? We can’t – at least not if people were to act single-handedly. Then, public opinion can finally transform to condemn corruption at the individual level with an aggregate benefit to society as a whole.

This means that people of Kenya and other developing countries the developing countries must rise above irrationality that go with sentimentality of ethnic nationalism to identify public officers and political leaders in a different manner under the guide of different rationality. They both have to be seen by the citizens as the competitors in the social game on one side and citizens on the other side. Citizens have to defect from the bandwagon of the leaders, and then leaders will defect from their game course of corruption.

Just the same way Sadedin argued that, to defeat corruption, we need to understand why it arises in the first place. For that, we need game theory. A ‘game’ is a stylized scenario in which each player receives a pay‑off determined by the strategies chosen by all players. There’s also a variant of game theory that deals with so-called evolutionary games. In that kind of scenario, we imagine a population of self-reproducing strategies that get to multiply depending on the pay‑offs they achieve. A strategy is said to be ‘evolutionarily stable’ if, once it is widely adopted, no rival can spread by natural selection.

In this situation therefore we must know that corruption in Kenya is strong due to the to the Kenya citizens being defenseless captives of the conscience of ethnic nationalism. Sadly, the disillusionment is that ethnic nationalism has no pay off; it only maximizes benefits for the politicians as it minimizes losses for the masses. This is a better option than the lesson from shallow knowledge of the Game theory as well as common sense which tells us that policing can help. Just grant some individuals the power and inclination to punish defectors and the attractions of cheating immediately look less compelling. This is a good first pass at a solution: not for nothing do we find police-like entities among ants, bees, wasps, and within our own bodies. But that just leads us back to the problem of corruption. What happens if the police themselves become criminals?

The balance of probabilities is that not all societies in Kenya could make the transition in this direction for now. But those that can achieve this transition would reap the benefits of true and lasting harmony. An early tribe that made the transition to righteousness might out-compete more corrupt rivals, allowing righteousness to spread throughout the species. Just as Sadedin notes further that, such tribal selection is uncommon among animals other than eusocial insects, but there is no fault in thinking that it could have also played a role in human evolution. This means Kenyans as hunters for good governance must do it as a whole group not as self selected individuals.(this paper was presented at an international conference on leadership and transformation at Kibabii university,Bungoma,Kenya)

References
Sadedin, S. (2016) Evolutionary Game theory of corruption

Mckinnon (2016), How to Fight Corruption with Game Theory

Mishra K and Asirvatham R (2009) Political Theory

McCrae (2012), financial crisis of Wall Street

Transparency International Kenya report (2006)
Kenya Constitution (2010)
The east African standard (August, 2015)
Wikipedia (2015)
Alexander K. Opicho
(Independent researcher, Lecturer; University of Eldoret,

email;[email protected], phone; 0727466193)

Disclaimer: "The views/contents expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of The Nigerian Voice. The Nigerian Voice will not be responsible or liable for any inaccurate or incorrect statements contained in this article."

Articles by Alexander Opicho