Buhari: Justifying the high expectations – Punch
Muhammadu Buhari's March 28 election accorded him immense political capital. But with it came high expectations from overburdened Nigerians. Now, so early into his tenure, the President is drawing the ire of critics. Previously subdued, the complaints became cacophonous when Buhari admitted that age would 'limit my performance.' While the admission might be sensible, politically, it was an unguarded moment for the President. He should be cautious about what he says.
Buhari, reminiscing before a cross-section of Nigerians in South Africa, said, 'I wish I became Head of State when I was a governor, just a few years as a young man. Now at 72, there is a limit to what I can do.' In itself, old age is not a bad thing. Age can confer wisdom, hindsight and gainful introspection when properly appropriated. Ronald Reagan became the United States president at 70 in 1981. He was 78 by the time he completed his second term in 1989. The late Nelson Mandela assumed power in South Africa at 76, after having served 27 years in prison during the apartheid regime.
A president is not an island. His driving force is the ability to serve diligently, providing leadership by inspiring others. Although he takes all the credit when things work, his performance is a function of the depth, sincerity and expertise of his cabinet and top advisers. Buhari needs to build blocks to achieve his mission. After contesting president thrice in 2003, 2007 and 2011, it is not wishful thinking that Buhari has all along drawn a blueprint on how he will decisively subdue the monsters of graft, unemployment, fuel subsidy/scarcity and insecurity.
With a cabinet peopled by go-getters, who are ready to contribute their time, energy and resourcefulness to good governance, the President can regain public trust, bringing about the change he had promised during electioneering.
During the Olusegun Obasanjo administration (1999-2007), Nigeria witnessed the sterling contributions of some office holders. Nasir el-Rufai, who was once Director-General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises, also made an impact as the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory. There were Nuhu Ribadu, who became the face of the anti-corruption war as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission boss, and Oby Ezekwesili at the Due Process Office and the ministries of Education and Solid Minerals. To move the country out of its despondency, the President needs to move faster in making his key appointments.
It will be naïve of the President to think that he can soldier on without making quick, vital changes at some departments and agencies, which played major roles in the rot that pervaded the last administration. We are talking about agencies like the EFCC, the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission, the Ports Authority, the office of the National Security Adviser, and even the defence service chiefs.
Nigerians are highly expectant. Weighed down by years of misrule, public service corruption and insecurity, the Fourth Republic initially offered hope but has delivered pittance. Between 2000 and 2009, the Global Financial Integrity, an NGO, with statistics collated from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, estimated that Nigerian leaders looted $182 billion of public funds. This partly accounts for the mounting anxiety in the land. Nigerians want a clear policy direction on the economy and the anti-corruption crusade.
Buhari is seen as a President who can take firm actions to stem the financial decay in the petroleum industry. He cannot afford to disappoint. In 2014, Lamido Sanusi, then the governor, Central Bank of Nigeria, accused the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation of not remitting $20 billion to the Federation Account over a nine-month period. In 2011, Abuja paid N2.53 trillion in fraudulent petrol subsidies. No suspect has been successfully prosecuted. The recurring fuel scarcity, the comatose refineries, and unbridled importation of refined petroleum products are symptoms of the malaise Buhari has to contend with.
The agitation of the people that the President should cut down the cost of governance is well placed. Unconscionable federal lawmakers - 469 in total - have a budget of N120 billion for 2015 in a country where the minimum wage is N18,000, and as many as 23 states now find it difficult to pay salaries. The Federal Government borrowed N473 billion, almost half of the recurrent vote for 2015, partly to pay public sector salaries in the first quarter.
The power sector is one area in which Nigerians expect Buhari to make a difference immediately. In May, national output plunged to 1,327 megawatts from a high of 4,500MW on April 3. This is causing disquiet. Although 17 of the PHCN legacy companies were privatised in 2013, we are not better off than in 1999. This requires urgent intervention.
However, amid the hue and cry, it is easy to overlook what the President is doing. He is putting serious efforts into ending the Boko Haram Islamic insurgency, which has been tormenting us since 2009. The military have moved their command centre to Borno State, the epicentre of the insurgency, in line with the President's directive in his May 29 inaugural speech.
His diplomatic shuttles have taken him to Chad, Niger Republic and South Africa in continuation of efforts to degrade the Islamists. But crude oil theft, pipeline vandalism, kidnapping and robbery must also feature high on Buhari's to-do list. With so much invested in him, Buhari cannot but utilise this window of opportunity before him to bring succour to Nigerians by moving decisively.